بِسۡمِ اللهِ الرَّحۡمٰنِ الرَّحِيۡمِ
The practice of moonsighting to determine Islamic religious dates is a deeply embedded tradition that holds significant importance for Muslims worldwide. Within the United Kingdom, where over 4 million Muslims reside, the issue of moonsighting has been marked by a complex history of methodological shifts, community divisions, and ongoing debates about religious authority.
The Historical Shift from Moroccan to Saudi Moonsighting References (1970s-1986)
Prior to 1986, the Muslim community in the United Kingdom predominantly relied on moon sighting announcements from Morocco to determine the beginning and end of Islamic months, particularly Ramadan1. This practice aligned with the geographical proximity and similar time zones between the UK and Morocco, making it a logical reference point for British Muslims. The established system functioned through technological means available at the time, with moon-sighting news transmitted via telex communications from Morocco to designated individuals in British Muslim communities.
The pivotal shift away from this established practice occurred in 1986 following a significant communication failure. In 1985, inclement weather conditions caused delays in receiving the telex communication from Morocco regarding the sighting of the new moon. As detailed in historical accounts, a shopkeeper appointed to receive the telex discovered it only at 10 am the following day, revealing that the moon had indeed been sighted in Morocco the previous evening1. This delayed information created substantial confusion within the community, with some scholars breaking their fast while others, notably Moulana Yaqub Kawi of Dewsbury, continued fasting, creating a visible division among Muslim religious leaders.
The incident prompted an intervention by Mufti Saeed Ahmad Palanpuri, who attempted to mediate between the divided groups. However, his efforts proved unsuccessful, and the dispute remained unresolved 1. In response to this controversy, Jamiatul Ulama Britain and Hizbul Ulama UK organized a decisive meeting at Darul Uloom Bury on December 28, 1986. At this gathering, they formally resolved to abandon the Moroccan moon sighting reference in favour of following Saudi Arabia's announcements. The resolution garnered signatures from all delegates present, including 11 representatives from Jamiat-e-Ulama and 10 from Hizbul-Ulama 2 11.
This decision represented a significant departure from a previously established consensus. Just two years earlier, in 1984, an International Moon Sighting Conference at London Central Mosque had brought together over 350 scholars from various Muslim countries, who unanimously agreed upon criteria for moon sightings that closely aligned with reports from countries near the UK, including Morocco2. The decision to abandon these agreed-upon criteria in favour of Saudi announcements was widely publicized through mosque noticeboards throughout the UK, effectively redirecting the religious practice of millions of British Muslims 11.
The 1986 decision has since been critically reevaluated by many scholars and organizations. Some now consider the resolution "proven to be false/invalid, due to the widespread misunderstanding of these technical matters"2. What began as a practical response to a communication failure has had profound and lasting implications for religious observance and community cohesion among British Muslims.
Questioning Saudi Moon Sighting Practices and Growing Divisions
The reliance on Saudi Arabian moon sighting announcements, initially adopted as a solution to communication challenges, gradually revealed significant problematic aspects that gave rise to scepticism within the UK Muslim community. Scientific studies and astronomical observations have provided substantial evidence undermining the reliability of the Saudi methodology, leading to growing divisions among British Muslims regarding religious date determinations. A recent detailed fatwa by JKN 42 of Bradford details the problems of Saudi moonsighting announcements. A summary of the fatwa in English and Urdu can be seen here.
Fundamental to this controversy is the understanding that the Umm al-Qura calendar, which forms the basis of Saudi calculations, was originally designed for civil administrative purposes rather than religious determinations3. The makers of this calendar acknowledge that the first visual sighting of the lunar crescent can occur up to two days after the dates predicted by their civil calendar3. This divergence between administrative scheduling and religious requirements creates an inherent tension in using Saudi announcements for religious purposes.
Multiple scientific studies have documented problematic patterns in Saudi moon sighting reports. A comprehensive study analyzing 42 reports of Ramadan new moon sightings announced by the High Judiciary Council of Saudi Arabia between 1962 and 2001 revealed that "more than half of these were too early and based on false sightings of the lunar crescent"3. A subsequent study covering the years 1380 AH to 1425 AH reached similar conclusions, further substantiating concerns about the reliability of these announcements 3.
The specific practices that have generated scepticism include the Saudi religious authorities' acceptance of testimony from less experienced observers, sometimes announcing moon sightings when none of the official sighting committees could observe the lunar crescent, or even when astronomical calculations conclusively showed that the lunar crescent had set before sunset 3. Astronomical analysis indicates that many of these erroneous sightings likely resulted from observers mistaking bright celestial objects like Venus or aeroplane contrails near the western horizon for the lunar crescent 3.
The publication of a landmark study in The Observatory Journal in 2018 (Alrefay et al.) analyzing 27 years of moon sighting reports from Saudi Arabia by experienced astronomers provided additional scientific confirmation of these systematic errors 2. These findings have led critics to argue that the Saudi system "often contradicts scientific understanding and human intellect"15.
Several specific issues have been identified in the Saudi methodology: the hilāl (crescent moon) reportedly sighted in Saudi Arabia is frequently not observed in countries to its west on the same evening; the practice of seeking the hilāl before its astronomical birth or when it's below the horizon raises fundamental questions; and perhaps most problematically, Saudi scientists themselves acknowledge false sightings (termed "illusions"), yet the system continues to accept testimonies even when sighting is scientifically impossible15.
These revelations have created significant divisions within the UK Muslim community. While many continue to follow Saudi announcements out of established practice or institutional affiliation, others have rejected this approach in favour of local sighting efforts, regional coordination with countries like Morocco, or alternative methodologies that incorporate astronomical calculations 14. This fragmentation has resulted in British Muslims celebrating important religious occasions like Ramadan and Eid on different days, undermining the communal nature of these observances and creating practical difficulties for families, schools, and workplaces 9.
The Naked-Eye Tradition and the Shift Toward Optical Aids for Ramadan 1446
The traditional method of sighting the new moon crescent relies exclusively on direct observation with the unaided human eye, following the Prophetic instruction: "Fast when you see it and end fasting when you see it" as reported in hadith recorded in Sahih Muslim. This approach finds its Quranic foundation in the verse: "They ask you about the different phases of the moon. Tell them that they are there to indicate to people the phases of time and the pilgrimage season" (Qur'an 2:189), which establishes the moon's phases as a natural timekeeper for human affairs, particularly religious observances. The traditional perspective emphasizes the universal accessibility of moon sighting, ensuring that the determination of Islamic months remains available to all Muslims regardless of technological resources or geographical location.
However, recent developments have introduced significant changes to this established consensus. For the month of Ramadan 1446 (2025), some UK scholars have embraced a position that accepts moon sighting through optical aids such as binoculars as sufficient to fulfil the Shariah requirements for commencing the month of Ramadan. This shift reportedly stems from a fatwa issued in February 2025 from Dar-ul Uloom Karachi, ref. 2683/41, that has challenged the traditional naked-eye requirement.
While specific details about this recent fatwa are not fully documented in the available sources, its impact appears to have created additional complexity in an already fragmented landscape of moonsighting practices among British Muslims. The introduction of this alternative methodology raises fundamental questions about the criteria for acceptable moon sightings and threatens to create further divisions within the community.
The existing variety of approaches is evident in current moonsighting guidance. Some organizations already incorporate graduated criteria that acknowledge different levels of visibility. For instance, certain guidelines classify visibility conditions from Category A ("Easily visible") through Category F ("Not visible, below the Danjon limit"), with Category C specifically noting that optical aid may be needed to find the crescent moon, adding that "if one knows where to look, one can see the Moon with the naked eye" 4. This nuanced approach suggests that the practical application of moonsighting has already accommodated some flexibility regarding visual aids, though typically with the expectation that the crescent should ultimately be visible to the naked eye once its location is identified.
The shift toward accepting optical aids represents a significant methodological evolution that has implications for both religious practice and community cohesion. By altering the established criteria for valid moon sighting, this new position challenges traditional authorities and introduces an additional variable into an already complex discourse about proper religious observance. The resulting diversity of opinions further complicates efforts to achieve unified religious dates across the British Muslim community, as different mosques, organizations, and individuals may follow different methodological approaches based on their understanding of this evolving religious guidance.
Juristic Perspectives on Optical Aids in Moon Sighting
The permissibility of using optical aids for moon sighting represents a significant point of juristic disagreement among classical and contemporary Sunni Muslim scholars. This debate centres on whether technological enhancement of human vision aligns with or contradicts the religious intent behind the practice of moon sighting. An examination of scholarly opinions reveals a spectrum of positions, each supported by distinct religious and practical considerations.
Among the scholars who permit the use of optical aids, Shaykh Yūsuf Badāt argues for permissibility based on the general nature of the Prophetic instruction: "Fast when you see it and end fasting when you see it" 7. This perspective interprets the command as focusing on the act of visual confirmation rather than specifying the means of vision. Proponents of this view consider optical aids as merely enhancing natural vision, similar to how eyeglasses correct vision impairments. Under this interpretation, telescopes and binoculars simply magnify what could theoretically be seen naturally, without fundamentally altering the nature of the observation.
This permissive position finds support from several prominent contemporary scholars. The grand mufti of South Africa, Muftī Riḍā Al Ḥaq, explicitly states that "Telescopes only magnify the ability to see, just as the eyeglasses do. There is no objection in using them to sight and make observations"7. Similarly, Shaykh Ashraf ʿAlī Thanwī held that "There is no separate ruling for sighting the moon via a telescope or binoculars. The same rules that apply to seeing the moon without optical aid also apply to the scenario when seeing the moon with optical aid" 7. Shaykh Ibn Uthaymīn likewise found "nothing wrong with" using telescopes, noting their historical use by people who "used to climb up the minarets on the night before the 30th of Shaʾbān and the night before the 30th of Ramaḍān and look for it by means of a telescope" 7.
This restrictive view emphasizes the communal and accessible nature of moon sightings, suggesting that even if advanced optical technologies had been available during the time of the Prophet Muhammad and the early Muslim community, they would not have relied on them—not due to technological reluctance, but because a crescent invisible to the public naked eye does not fulfil its intended function as a universal timekeeper 5. Under this interpretation, sighting mentioned in religious texts refers specifically to establishing "the appearance of the crescent on the local horizon such that it is visible to the naked eye for the public" 5.
The restrictive position further raises concerns about the implications of accepting optically aided sightings for the historical religious practice of early Muslims. If establishing the beginning of lunar months could depend on sightings through powerful telescopes detecting crescents invisible to the naked eye, this would suggest that the fasting, feast celebrations, and pilgrimages of the Prophet and early Muslim leaders potentially occurred on inappropriate dates—a theologically problematic conclusion for many scholars 5.
These divergent juristic positions reflect different emphases within Islamic legal thought: one privileging the fundamental act of visual confirmation regardless of means, the other prioritizing the communal, accessible nature of religious timekeeping. This scholarly disagreement provides the intellectual background against which contemporary community divisions unfold, as different organizations and individuals align with different interpretations based on their understanding of religious principles and practical considerations.
The Practical Impact of Changing Moon Sighting Criteria
The potential acceptance of optical aids for moon sighting in the UK represents a methodological shift with far-reaching implications for community cohesion, religious authority, and practical uniformity. This change offers both opportunities for greater unification and risks of deeper fragmentation that merit careful consideration by religious leaders and community organizations.
On the positive side, allowing optical aids could potentially bridge some existing divisions by making local moon sightings more feasible in the challenging viewing conditions of the United Kingdom. The UK's frequent cloud cover and light pollution in urban areas have historically made reliable naked-eye sighting difficult, contributing to the reliance on foreign announcements. Optical aids can enhance the possibility of successful local sightings, potentially aligning more closely with astronomical calculations and possibly with some Saudi announcements, thereby creating greater convergence in religious date determinations.
The establishment of local moon sighting practices supported by optical technology could also foster greater community engagement with this religious practice. Organizations like the New Crescent Society have already demonstrated how moon sighting can become a community-building activity, creating what one participant described as a "moon family" of observers who gather regularly to participate in this religious observation 18. By making successful sightings more attainable, optical aids could strengthen these community bonds and create renewed interest in traditional religious practices adapted to contemporary conditions.
However, the shift toward accepting optical aids also carries significant risks of further community fragmentation. The introduction of new criteria for valid moon sighting adds another variable to an already complex landscape of methodological approaches. As one analysis notes, "Muslims of the UK are not starting from a blank starting point. There are already various methods in play and many organisations and media outlets are involved that are independently doing their own things" 8. Adding optical aids as a new acceptable methodology creates additional potential for divergence rather than convergence in practice.
Recent experience already demonstrates how methodological differences can create new divisions even among those committed to similar principles. The case of the New Crescent Society rejecting Morocco's moon sighting report for Eid al-Fitr 2021, while other "traditionally local" moon sighters accepted it, resulted in a situation where less than 1% of UK Muslims followed a different date than the overwhelming consensus 8. This example illustrates how even well-intentioned efforts to establish methodological purity can inadvertently contribute to further community fragmentation rather than unification.
Perhaps most significantly, changing established criteria for moon sighting may undermine confidence in religious authorities among community members who perceive such shifts as compromising traditional principles. When longstanding positions on religious practices appear to change without clear and compelling justification, this can create scepticism about the consistency and reliability of religious guidance more broadly. As one analysis warns, organizations intending to do good can "end up unwittingly amplifying confusion and doubt and, in the end, fail to solve much" 8.
The potential for alignment with Saudi announcements through optical aid sightings presents a particular complexity. While this might occasionally create greater practical uniformity, it risks perpetuating reliance on a system that scientific studies have repeatedly shown to be problematic. If the acceptance of optical aids serves primarily to justify continued adherence to Saudi announcements despite their documented inconsistencies, this may undermine the credibility of UK religious authorities who have previously criticized these announcements on scientific grounds.
Toward a Unified Approach to Moon Sighting in the UK
The complex history and current fragmentation of moon-sighting practices among UK Muslims necessitate a cohesive strategy that can foster unity while respecting religious principles and scientific understanding. The path forward requires thoughtful engagement with religious tradition, practical realities, and community needs to develop an approach that can gain widespread acceptance and address the legitimate concerns of different stakeholders.
A promising framework for unification must begin with an acknowledgement of the shared religious objective behind moon sighting: the accurate determination of lunar months in accordance with Islamic principles. While methodological disagreements persist, the fundamental religious purpose remains constant. By focusing on this shared goal rather than becoming entrenched in procedural disputes, community leaders can establish a foundation for constructive dialogue and potential consensus.
The establishment of an authoritative, representative UK Moon Sighting Committee could provide institutional infrastructure for a unified approach. As proposed in recent petitions, such a committee should include Islamic scholars, astronomers, and scientific experts who can bring both religious knowledge and technical expertise to the determination of Islamic dates 9. This interdisciplinary composition would address both religious requirements and practical implementation, creating decisions that can command broader respect and adherence.
A unified approach must also address the specific geographical and meteorological challenges of the United Kingdom. The frequent cloud cover and limited visibility conditions that affect the UK make naked-eye sighting particularly difficult, especially in urban areas with significant light pollution. A realistic methodology should acknowledge these practical limitations while remaining faithful to religious principles. This might include a tiered approach that prioritizes local naked-eye sighting when possible, accepts verified local sightings aided by optical tools when necessary, and establishes clear protocols for situations when local sighting proves impossible.
Regional coordination with nearby Muslim-majority countries, particularly Morocco, may represent another valuable component of a unified strategy. The historical reliance on Moroccan moon sighting announcements before 1986 reflected geographical proximity and similar time zones, making it a more scientifically sound reference than Saudi Arabia 10.
Transparency and education must underpin any unified approach. The technical aspects of moon sighting—including astronomical calculations, the variables affecting visibility, and the evidence for or against different methodological approaches—should be clearly communicated to the broader Muslim community. Organizations like the New Crescent Society have already demonstrated the value of educational initiatives in this area, generating "interest in astronomy among many Muslims, particularly through seminars and workshops working in association with the Greenwich Royal Observatory" 8. Through consistent data collection for over 7 consecutive years and nationwide collaboration, organizations like ICOUK and the New Crescent Society have established that a local UK-based Hijri calendar determined through direct observation is both feasible and sustainable as a religious practice for British Muslims.
As Imad Ahmed of the New Crescent Society states, "We're in a position now where we feel very confident to say, 'Actually, we don't need to outsource the moon sighting to other countries now. We can take back control, we can bring the moon back home" 40
The integration of astronomical calculations as a supplementary tool rather than a replacement for sighting represents another element of a balanced approach. While calculations alone cannot replace the religious practice of moon sighting according to traditional interpretations, they can provide valuable information about when and where sighting might be possible, guiding observational efforts and helping to evaluate reported sightings 12. This integration acknowledges scientific knowledge without abandoning religious requirements.
Finally, any unified approach must prioritize the communal benefits of religious unity over procedural perfectionism. As one analysis pointedly observed, insistence on methodological purity "was no longer sunnah once the wider Shari' and good judgement considerations such as overwhelming consensus, and public benefit, of a unified 'one Eid'...became a reality" 8. This principle of prioritizing community cohesion within the bounds of acceptable religious practice provides a valuable guideline for navigating complex methodological questions.
Conclusion
The issue of moon sighting among UK Muslims reflects broader tensions between religious tradition, modern science, community cohesion, and practical implementation. The historical shift from Moroccan to Saudi references, the documented problems with Saudi announcements, the recent acceptance of optical aids by some scholars, and the resulting community fragmentation all illuminate different facets of this multidimensional challenge.
Moving forward requires a balanced approach that respects religious principles while acknowledging practical realities. The establishment of a representative UK Moon Sighting Committee, the development of clear protocols for different visibility conditions, regional coordination with nearby countries if deemed necessary, educational initiatives, and a commitment to transparency could collectively foster greater unity without compromising religious integrity.
The methodical collection and systematic documentation of crescent moon observations by the Islamic Crescents Observation for the UK (ICOUK) and the New Crescent Society over a longitudinal period of seven consecutive years warrants rigorous scientific and religious scrutiny. This substantial corpus of empirical data 41 represents an unprecedented opportunity to evaluate the feasibility of establishing an indigenous, UK-based Hijri calendar that could potentially obviate the necessity for reliance on foreign lunar sighting announcements. A critical statistical analysis of this dataset should examine several key parameters: the percentage of months successfully observed across the seven-year period; the geographical distribution of successful sightings; the correlation between successful observations and astronomically calculated visibility predictions; and the degree of concordance between UK observations and those from Morocco and other nearby regions historically used as reference points.
A substantial cohort of British Muslims adhering to Saudi Arabian lunar sighting announcements has developed a strong habituation to receiving confirmation of Ramadan and Eid commencement during the afternoon (Asr time), rather than awaiting local post-sunset observations. This established practice constitutes a significant temporal convenience that has become deeply integrated into their religious observance planning. The prospective transition to an exclusively local UK-based moonsighting methodology would necessitate surrendering this anticipatory knowledge advantage—a considerable psychological and practical disincentive that presents a formidable barrier to achieving community-wide consensus on local moonsighting practices.
Ultimately, the goal should be not merely procedural uniformity but meaningful religious unity—a situation where British Muslims can celebrate important religious occasions together as a community, strengthening social bonds while fulfilling religious obligations in a manner that commands broad confidence and respect. By approaching the issue with both scholarly rigour and community awareness, UK Muslim leaders have an opportunity to transform a source of division into a demonstration of collaborative problem-solving and religious wisdom.
Compiled by A. Hussain, 2nd March, 2025
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